Monday, October 19, 2020

CHAPTER VIII THE TRIUMPH OF THE CROSS – IN HOC SIGNO VINCES – EDICT OF MILAN (313)


CHAPTER VIII
THE TRIUMPH OF THE CROSS –
IN HOC SIGNO VINCES – EDICT OF MILAN (313)


Edict of Toleration (311)
            In spite of the ferocity of the long campaign and with all the advantages apparently on the side of the civil power, Rome was finally obliged to admit defeat.  The persecution was a total failure and by an imperial edict it came to an end on April 30, 311.  It was signed by Galerius and his co-regent Constantine.  The Christian religion was allowed to be practiced by this Edict of Tolerance.  It is no more than this, that is, an edict of tolerance because there is a clause quite restrictive for Christianity:

Ut denuo sint christiani et conventicula sua componant; ita ut ne quid contra disciplinam agant.[1] That they may be Christians again and build the houses in which they used to gather, provided that they do nothing contrary to the discipline.

This is how Galerius’ Edict reads:

Since they (Christians) still persist in their impious folly and are deprived of public exercise of their religion, we are disposed to extend to these unhappy men the effects of our accustomed mercy.  We allow them, consequently, to profess their private opinions and meet at their places of worship without fear of disturbance, provided always that they respect the existing laws.  We hope that our clemency will induce the Christians to offer prayers to the Deity whom they worship for our safety and prosperity, for their own, and for that of the state.[2]

Soon after Galerius died eaten by worms and in a pitiful state.  Eusebius, in his Ecc. Hist. says that Galerius was punished by God.

Beginning with his very flesh and proceeding to the soul.  For an abscess suddenly appeared in the center of his privy parts, then a deeply perforated ulcer, incurable and feeling into the very depths of his bowels.  From these an innumerable multitude of worms burst forth and gave out a deathly stench…

Wrestling with so many evils, he felt conscious-stricken for the deed which he had brazenly committed against the pious, and so reflecting within himself, he first openly confessed to the God of the universe; then, summoning those about him, he commanded them without delay to put an end to the persecution against the Christians.


In Hoc Signo Vinces

            In the meanwhile, the political situation in the West worsened to such an extent that a decisive context between Constantine and Maxentius was rendered inevitable.  War broke out between Constantine and Maxentius (306-312).  When the war began in 312, Constantine was not a Christian but possibly followed his father’s religion, a form of that new moral monotheism, popular with the army, whose symbol was the Sun – Sol Invictus.  By the time of the actual expedition against Maxentius, he has abandoned also the cult of the sun and is much closer to Christianity, that is, to the belief in one God.  And just before the decisive step, that is, the battle at the Milvian Bridge, when Constantine was marching at the head of an army of 30 thousand men against the 100 thousand strong army of Maxentius, a cross of light appeared in the heavens, with the woven words: in hoc signo vinces (In This Sign You Shall Conquer).”  According to Eusebius, in his Life of Constantine, immediately after the vision of the Cross, Christ appeared to him and told him to adopt the Cross as his standard instead of the Roman eagle.  He did so.  In the fight which followed he was victorious and Maxentius was drowned in the Tiber as he fled from the field.  Constantine entered Rome convinced now that the one, supreme God was the God whom the Christians worshipped: Jesus Christ.
            The impression which this victory made on the pagan world was tremendous.  The God of the Christians had proved his superiority over the gods of the Capitol.  Constantine entered the city amid the rejoicings of the people.  Upon the triumphal arch which the Senate and people erected to him, and which is still standing among the ruins of the city of the Caesars, his great victory is ascribed to the “decree of God.”  Constantine himself caused his own statue to be set up, holding in his hand the standard of the cross (labarum), with the inscription: “through this saving sign, have I freed your city from the tyrant’s yoke.”
            The full text on the triumphal arch reads like this:

To Emperor Caesar Flavius Constantine the Great, Felix, Augustus, because inspired by the Godhead, by the greatness of his spirit, at one stroke avenged the State upon the tyrant and his entire faction by just a show of force together with his army, the Senate and the People of Rome have dedicated this arch in token of his triumph.

            Elsewhere on the Arch appears:

Liberator of the City. Founder of Peace.[3]

            This is the original Latin:

Imp[eratori] Caesa[re] Fl[avio] Constantino Maximo, P[ius], F[elix], Augusto S.[enatus] P.[opulus] Q.[ue] R.[omanus] Quod Instinctu Divinitatis Mentis magnitudine cum exercitu suo tam de Tyranno Quam De Eius Factione Uno Tempore Iustis Rempublicam Ultus est Armis Arcum Triumphis insignem Dicavit.
           
            Liberator urbis. Fundatori Quietis.[4]

The Edict of Milan (313)
            The religious problem received Constantine’s immediate attention.  Towards the end of 312, in a letter to Maximinus Daia, he pleaded in favor of the Christians of the East.  He freed the African clergy from public duties.  In a meeting with his brother-in-law Licinius, held at Milan in February of 313, he gave to the Christians throughout the Empire unrestricted freedom of worship.  The two of them commanded to restore to the Christians the property which had been confiscated during the persecutions.  The agreement is known as the Edict of Milan, in the words of Eusebius “a very perfect and comprehensive law in favor of Christians[5] but more properly, a rescript or circular mandate to the governors of the provinces.
            With this act, the exclusive union between the Roman State and the pagan cult was broken, a new religious policy was opened.  The Edict inaugurates a memorable turn in the history of Christianity.  For the moment, the new happy order of things had still an enemy in Maximinus Daia, who had renewed his hostility against the Church.  Maximinus Daia took advantage of the absence of Licinius in the West and, despite the difficulties of the winter, invaded his states, crossed into Europe, and with his powerful army laid waste the rich provinces which are now the Balkans.  There, at Nicopolis, he met, and was defeated by Licinius, returned from Milan in haste; and with the defeat and death of Maximinus Daia, the authors of the Edict of Milan were masters of the Roman world.  As Eusebius says:

From that time on a day bright and radiant with no cloud overshadowing it, shone down with shafts of heavenly light on the Churches of Christ throughout the world, nor was there any reluctance to grant even those outside our community the enjoyment, if not of equal blessings at least of an effluence from and a share in the things that God has bestowed on us.[6]

The Vision of the Cross by Constantine
            We have already seen Constantine’s triumph over Maxentius and his ‘coeleste signum Dei’ as narrated by Eusebius in his “Vita Constantini,” (I, 28-31) written in 337.  Are we to admit a miraculous intervention by God in the way described by Eusebius?  It is quite difficult to admit Eusebius’ description as it sounds, but we cannot reject it outright or take it as pure illusion.  There is a nucleus of truth in it, which at a distance of so many years and under the impression of the happy reign of Constantine, was transformed into a legend.  It cannot be denied that the Emperor, who by nature was inclined to dreams and visions, had a certain day a strong religious commotion, which brought him closer to the Christian religion.
            This is how Lactantius in his book, On the Deaths of the Persecutors described the vision of Constantine:

Already civil war had broken out between Constantine and Maxentius.  Although Maxentius remained at Rome – an oracle had predicted that he would die if he crossed the city gates – the war was conducted by his able commanders.  His forces were superior to those of his adversary.  For he not only had his father’s army, which had deserted from Severus, but his own as well, which he had just collected from Mauritania and from the country of the Getulians.  They clashed and Maxentius’ troops held the advantage, up until the time when Constantine, prepared either to win or to die, brought all his forces close to Rome and encamped near the Milvian Bridge.  It was near the twenty-eighth of October, the anniversary of his completion of five years of reign.

During his sleep Constantine was directed that God’s heavenly sign should be inscribed on the soldier’s shields before they should begin the battle.  He did as he was commanded, and he had inscribed on the shields the name of Christ by means of an “X” that was crossed by an “I” curved over the top.  Armed with this sign, his soldiers stood to arms … And the hand of God was stretched over the fray.[7]

One thing is certain, since the victory at the Milvian Bridge (312) Constantine, although still a pagan in many practices, was not only favorable to Christianity but also embraced Christianity himself.

Stages in Constantine’s Conversion
            We must not absolutely reject a divine intervention in Constantine’s conversion.  However, this seems to be the process of events which led him on to embrace Christianity.
  1. From family tradition he was well disposed towards the Christians.  Possibly the Christian religion was not unknown in his family because one of his father’s daughters was called Anastasia, a name which appears almost exclusively among Christians.
  2. From his aversion against Diocletian (284-305) and Galerius (292-311), who excluded him from the imperial succession, he leaned towards a different religious policy.
  3. The Church although materially and politically was not strong, yet, morally and religiously excelled all other cults and had a wonderful internal and external organization.
  4. The martyr’s strength and heroism, among the terrible precedent persecutions, was something admirable and without as natural explanation.
  5. Constantine knew a little about the dogma and Christian moral precepts, but he conceived a high opinion of Christ’s exceptional power.
During the war against Maxentius, given the tremendous difficulties facing him, he asked Christ’s help and experienced his power in battle.
  1. He had, then, possibly, that dream or admonition related by Lactantius:

Commonitus est in quiete Constantius ut coeleste signum Dei notaret in scutis atque proelium commiteret. Fecit ut iussus est, et transversa X littera, summo capite circumflexo, Christum in scutis notat. Quo signo armatus exercitus capit ferrum.[8]
           
He ordered to paint on the shields of his soldiers the monogram of Christ and adopt a new standard (Labarum) before the decisive battle.

After the great Victory at the Milvian Bridge (312), because the god of the Christians had shown his power and fulfilled His promise, Constantine embraced Christianity.
With Constantine Christianity finally triumphed over paganism. This victory was “the purest ever won.” For it was won by witnessing and enduring, by loving and suffering, by pouring of innocent blood.  It was won by weak men and women, slaves often, opposed to the mightiest of governments and all the social and intellectual pride and prejudice of the civilized world.

Chronological Note
305         1st of May, Diocletian (284-305) and Maximian Herculean (286-305) leave the Empire; Galerius (292-311) and Constantius Chlorus (292-306) become Emperors; Maximinus Daia (305-313) in the East and Severus (305-307) in the West become Caesars.
306         25th of July, death of Constantius Chlorus, father of Constantine.  Constantine is elected augustus by the soldiers.
27-28th of October, Maxentius elected augustus by the Pretorian Guard.
307         February, Severus defeated by Maxentius
31st of March, Constantine marries Fausta, sister of Licinius.
308         April, Maximian the Herculean expelled from Rome by Maxentius, his own son, Maximian the Herculean goes to Constantine.
309         Autumn, Maximian plots against Constantine.
310         January, Maximian dies.
311         30th of April, Edict of Tolerance of Galerius, Constantine and Licinius, Augusti.
312         Autumn, War between Constantine and Maxentius
28th of Oct., Maxentius dies at the Battle of Milvian Bridge at the outskirts of Rome
Nov-Dec, Constantine in Rome
313         Jan-Feb, Meeting at Milan and so-called Edict of Milan
April, Maximinus Daia invades Licinius’ provinces
1st of May, Licinius victory over Maximinus Daia at Hadrianapolis, in Thrace
13th of June, Licinius publishes in Nicomedia the Edict of Milan
Aug-Sep, Maximinus Daia dies
314         War between Licinius and Constantine.  Constantine receives Illyricum.
324         War between Constantine and Licinius.  Constantine Lord over the whole Empire

The Cult of Martyrs

            The etymological meaning of the word “martyr” is that of ‘witness’.  The Christian martyr is the one who gives testimony of Christ’s faith, faith in the resurrection of the Lord.  The Church, however, has reserved the word for those Christians who shed their blood for Christ.  All the other Christians who suffered persecution but did not lose their lives are known as confessors - martyrs without blood.  Martyrdom, that is the testimony given with sufferings, with blood and with death in favor of the truth of a fact and of the divinity of a doctrine, is a unique property of Christianity.  Neither philosophy, nor paganism, not even Judaism had true martyrs.  Only the Christians had sacrificed their lives, and this en masse, to affirm the fundamental facts and doctrine of their religion, whose witnesses and testimonies they wanted to be.  “Nobody”, writes St. Justin, “believed in Socrates to the extent of dying for the doctrine that he taught.”[9]  There had never been in paganism a man who, with his death, testified that his religion was true.  This extraordinary testimony was part of the plan of the Founder of Christianity as a proof of the Divinity of his origin and of the transcendence of his doctrine.  The Christian suffers, with total freedom, a violent death and, in this way, his voluntary condemnation becomes a resplendent triumph of the moral freedom that Christianity brought to the world.
            For Christianity, this testimony of the martyrs has a priceless value, so great that it is impossible to understand the deaths of so many Christians of all regions, ages, sexes, and walks of life unless we have recourse to a supernatural help and intervention.  For us, Christians, those brothers of Christ and ours were not fanatics, were no people who despised life, but men and women like us, with the same hope and faith of redemption whose love for Christ, their Savior and Redeemer, was so great, so profound that they valued for nothing this temporal life if by it they were to be cut off from Christ’s love and friendship and to lose their eternal life.  They are the warriors for Christ’s kingdom, who, when the hour of trial comes, go happy into battle, considering it a privilege to suffer for Him who first suffered for them.  No doubt then, that they from the very beginning of the Church, were held in great respect and their memory blessed forever.  The martyrs were the crown of every Church.
            At the outset their relics were placed in the Catacombs or underground cemeteries and their tombs served as altars to celebrate the Sacred Mysteries.  These relics were the objects of a pious cult from the part of the faithful and, at the same time, they celebrated the martyr’s death as the day of triumph, the dies natalis – the natal day of their martyrdom.  A wonderful illustration of this is found in Polycarp’s Passion:

But we taking up his bones, valued more than precious stones, more tried than gold, deposited them in a suitable place.  There also, as far as we can, we will celebrate the natal day of his martyrdom in joy and gladness, both in commemoration of those who finished their contest before, and to prepare those that shall finish hereafter.

The Number of Martyrs
            The aim of this question is not to arrive at knowing the exact number of martyrs, something which will always be totally impossible.  Only God knows.  We will attempt to arrive at an approximate number of martyrs, putting the figure at the millions.  The admirers of the Roman empire, on the other hand, defend that only a few thousand died before Constantine.  And these were condemned because, as breakers of Roman laws, they were criminals.
            We will not go into the intricate problem of finding the criteria how to judge the number of martyrs, but only, following the latest research on the matter, give you the approximate and prudent figure defended by Catholic scholars.
            We have two ways of knowing whether a Christian was a martyr or not:
a.     Direct Way, or the so-called Historico-Literary Way: a way by which from the sources and writers of the time we have the names of those who died for Christ.  Through this was we have around two to three hundred martyrs.
b.     Indirect Way or the so-called Archeological Way, which tells us the number of martyrs by the cult they received, for the Christians built an altar round the martyr’s sepulcher.  Through this way, we know of 1,000 martyrs.  But the question is this: did all the martyrs receive cult?  It was quite impossible that all the martyrs received cult for it began sometimes, especially in the Roman Church, in the middle of the 3rd century.  So, the precedent martyrs during the persecution of Nero (54-68), Domitian (81-96), the Antonines (98-181) never received a cult.  But not only this, not all the martyrs during Diocletian’s persecution received cults, because this required a sepulcher and where are the sepulchers of those many martyrs who died in the mines, in the sea, in the mountains, in the forests, in exile?  On the other hand, many churches were happy with one martyr or one with a group who died with him.  Except the most important churches of Rome, Antioch, Alexandria, and Carthage, the other churches of the Empire had only the cult of one martyr, although they had many more whose cult was never celebrated, for it is ridiculous to believe that the Emperors took a great deal of pain to have only one martyr for each Church.  Later on, the bishops tried to have a catalogue of the martyrs of all churches but the memory of many of them had disappeared.
From this we can conclude that the number of martyrs is much higher than the one thousand from whom we have cult.
There are testimonies of many writers for almost all the persecutions. For Nero (54-68) Tacitus says: “Ingens multitudo”.[10]
For Domitian (81-96) the Apocalypse 6.9:

…I saw under the altar the souls of those who had been slain for the word of God and for the witness they had borne.

For Trajan (98-117): Plinius the Younger (111): “If they still persevered, I ordered them to be persecuted” who were many because he adds:

…considering the numbers endangered, persons of all ranks and ages, and of both sexes…are involved.[11]

For the second century the apologists Justin (ca. 100- ca. 168), Tertullian (ca. 155-228), Minucius Felix testify of the many persecutions and the innumerable number of Christians killed by the populace.
For Septimus Severus (193-211): Clement of Alexandria (150-215) speaks of an “Infinite multitude”[12]
St. Irenaeus (ca. 140-202): “The Church offered in all places at all times a multitude of martyrs to the Father.”[13]
These testimonies refer only to the persecutions before the terrible ones of the 3rd century and the impression the Christian writers give is that the number of martyrs was exceptionally high.
For Decius (249-251): St. Cyprian and Dionysius of Alexandria speak of great numbers killed for the faith.  Dionysius even speaks:

A multitude of Christians” who fled to avoid falling into the hands of the persecutors and died in the mountains, in the deserts, killed by beasts, by robbers, etc.[14]

For Valerian (253-260) we have, again, the testimonies of St. Cyprian and Dionysius of Alexandria:

To give all the names of our people, who are so numerous and quite unknown to you, would be a waste of time, but I must tell you that men and women, youngsters and graybeards, girls and old women, soldiers and civilians, every race and every age, some the victims of scourges and the stake, others of the sword, came through their ordeal triumphantly and have received their crowns.[15]

For Diocletian we have many testimonies from Eusebius.  Speaking only of Nicomedia, he has this to say:

The spectacle of what happened after this beggars descriptions: in every town great numbers were locked up, and everywhere the gaols built long before the homicides and grave-robbers were crowded with bishops, presbyters, and deacons, readers and exorcists, so that now there was no room in them for those convicted of crimes.[16]

After the third edict –

It was laid down that if the prisoners offered sacrifice they should be allowed to go free, but if they refused they should be mutilated by endless tortures.[17]

He again writes this:

Now once more, how could one count the number of martyrs in every province of the empire, especially those in Africa and Mauritania, in the Thebais of Egypt?[18]

When he describes the persecution in the Thebais, he is even more categorical about the number:

In this way they carried on, not for a few days or weeks, but year after year.  Sometime ten or more, sometimes over twenty were put to death, at other times at least thirty, and at yet others not far short of sixty; and there were occasions when on a single day a hundred men as well as women and little children were killed, and condemned to a succession of ever-changing punishments.[19]

These are then, the testimonies of pagan and Christian contemporaries for every persecution.  They describe quite vividly the impressions about the persecutions, an impression that says that the number of martyrs was indeed great. We have no reason to doubt their truthfulness.  So we can conclude that the number of martyrs was, in fact, very high.  Naturally, it is quite difficult to put into figures those “great multitudes”, “ingens multitudo”, “great numbers”, “infinite multitude”, etc…but this way of writing makes us to believe that the number was really great.
According to the latest research the number, then, could be put at one hundred thousand. Five thousand for the first century; ten thousand for the second; twenty to thirty thousand for the third and fifty thousand for Diocletian’s persecution.[20]
As a conclusion we can ask ourselves this question: is this number 100,000 small or great? Without any doubt it is a large number, because it refers to 100,000 martyrs who were killed just for their faith, with no other crime but that of being Christian.  So, it is a very great injustice.
On the other hand, to have a clear idea of the persecutions we must talk not only of the martyrs, but also of the many other kinds of punishments: prison; confiscation, torments, difficulties, penalties of all kinds, which the Christians had to suffer for the name of Jesus.  For every martyr some twenty or thirty other Christians suffered torments, prison, exile, confiscation, etc.  All the Christians, on the other hand, lived in a continuous danger of losing their lives for three centuries.  So, in giving the number of Christians who died as martyrs, we do not give the whole picture of the persecutions.





[1] Cf. Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum, 34; Eus. H. E., VIII, 17.
[2] Lactantius, Persecutor’s Death, 34.  The following is the Text of the Edict of Toleration as recorded by Eusebius, Ecclesiatical History, 8, 17.
“Among the measures which we conceive for the good and profit of the people, we wished formerly to set all aright in accord with the ancient laws and public discipline of the Romans, and to make provision for the following: that the Christians, also, whoever had left the religion of their ancestors, should return to a good attitude of mind, since by some reasoning such arrogance had laid hold on them and such folly seized them as to cause them not to follow what had been introduced of old by their ancestors, which perhaps their own forefathers had formerly established, but according to their attitude of mind and as each one wished, thus made laws for themselves and observed these and assembled various multitudes in various places.  Therefore, when an order by us soon followed to the intent that they transfer themselves to the institutions established by the ancients, a great many gave in to danger, but a great many were harassed and suffered all kinds of death; and since, when the majority persisted in the same attitude of mind we say that they were carrying on the worship due to the gods of heaven nor attending to Him of the Christians, having regard for our humanity and our invariable custom by which we regularly extended pardon to all men, we thought that in this case, also, we should most eagerly accord our indulgence, that they may be Christians again and build the houses in which they used to gather, provided that they do nothing contrary to the discipline.  In another letter we shall show the judges what they shall have to observe.  Therefore, according to this indulgence of ours they should beseech their own God for our safety and that of the people and that of themselves, in order that in every way both the welfare of the people may be secured and they may be able to live free from care at their own homes.”
[3] Herbert Masurillo, SJ., The Fathers of the Primitive Church, Mentor Book, p. 243.
[4] Conradus Kirsch, SJ. Enchiridion Fontium Historiae Ecclesiasticae Antiquae, Herder, Barcelona, 1964, pp. 227-228.
[5] Eus., H.E., IX, 9, 12.
[6] Eus. Ecc. Hist., X, 1.
[7] Herbert Masurillo, SJ., The Fathers of the Primitive Church, A Mentor-Omega Book, p. 242.
[8] Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum, 44,5.
[9] St. Justin, Apol. II, 10
[10] Cf. Conradus Kirsch, Enchiridion Fontium Historiae Ecclesiaticae Antiquae, p. 25, no. 34.
[11] Cf. Colman J. Barry, Readings in Church History, I, p. 75-76.
[12] Cf. Migne, p. 8, 1070.
[13] Cf. Adv. Haer. H, 33.
[14] Cf. Eus. H.E., VI, 42.
[15] Eus. H.E., VII, II.
[16] Eus. H.E., V, III, 6.
[17] Eus. H.E., VIII, 6.
[18] Eus. H.E., VIII, 6.
[19] Eus. H.E., VII, 9.
[20] Cf. L. Hertling, Die Zahl der Christen zu Beginn des 4 in Jahrhundertes ZKT 58 (1934), p. 243-253.

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